A new analysis of US Census Bureau data by the Pew Research Center finds that stay-at-home fathers are becoming more common, suggesting a slow shift in parental roles that Pew says is driven by more than just economic considerations:
The stay-at-home share of U.S. parents was almost identical to what it was in 1989, but there has been a modest increase among fathers. The share of dads at home rose from 4% to 7%, while the share of moms staying at home remained largely unchanged – 27% in 2016 versus 28% about a quarter-century earlier. As a result, 17% of all stay-at-home parents in 2016 were fathers, up from 10% in 1989, the first year for which reliable data on fathers are available. …
However, the long-term uptick in dads at home is not driven solely by economic factors. The modest increase is apparent even after excluding those who were home due to unemployment. Furthermore, a growing share of stay-at-home fathers say they are home specifically to care for their home or family, suggesting that changing gender roles may be at play. About a quarter (24%) of stay-at-home fathers say they are home for this reason. Stay-at-home mothers remain far more likely than dads to say they are home to care for family – 78% say so.
Pew also finds that Millennial parents are more likely to be at home with their children than Gen X parents were at the same age in 1999-2000, with a particularly significant jump among fathers from 3 to 6 percent. A larger proportion of Millennial dads are staying home deliberately to care for family, rather than as a result of unemployment or for some other reason.
Identifying “stay-at-home parents” is increasingly difficult in the era of remote work and the gig economy, which Pew acknowledges. Parents are defined as “stay-at-home” based on their employment status during the year prior to the survey, which is similar to how the Census Bureau categorizes them:
“Equal Lives,” a new report prepared by the UK organization Business in the Community in partnership with Santander, sheds light on the needs, perceptions, and attitudes of working men and women in the UK regarding the balance of work and caregiving. Overall, the report finds that men want to be more involved in caring for their children and elderly parents, but feel hindered from doing so by a combination of organizational and public policies and societal expectations around gender roles. Some of the report’s key findings include:
- The majority of men (85%) agree they should be as involved in all aspects of childcare as women. At the same time, over nine in ten men believe it is equally acceptable for both women and men to take time out from employment in order to care for their family. …
- Even in organisations which have familyfriendly policies, men report concerns for career, progression, finances and a feeling that their caring duties are not as recognised as women’s and less appreciated by organisations.
- The ability to work flexibly is the organisational policy that both men and women find the most important when it comes to balancing work and care. However, takeup is significantly lower than its perceived importance.
- Many men say they would be encouraged to use policies to support them with balancing work and care if they were confident that it would not impact their career prospects or if there were more visible examples from senior leaders in their organisation.
“This finding resonates with the conversations we’ve had in our ongoing research with men and couples who opted to take shared parental leave,” professors Emma Banister and Ben Kerrane note at the Conversation. Enacted in 2015, the UK’s Shared Parental Leave policy grants new mothers (or “lead parents” in same-sex couples) a year of leave to divide between themselves and their partners in any proportion they choose. Take-up of SPL has been disappointingly low, which critics attribute to a lack of public awareness and the common practice among employers of “topping up” the statutory minimum of parental leave pay for mothers but not fathers. Beyond that, Banister and Kerrane’s research suggests that the scheme may be hindering itself by replicating the gender expectations it is meant to ameliorate:
Girls Who Code founder Reshma Saujani at ReimagineHR in London (Gartner)
Across a variety of industries, the demand for talent with digital skills continues to outstrip the supply. In recent years, many companies have realized that one way to fill this skills gap is to address the significant gender imbalance in roles like software engineering, where men outnumber women three-to-one in the US and by even larger margins in other countries like the UK and China.
This hasn’t always been the case; women were the first programmers in the early days of computing, before coding was seen as a prestigious and lucrative profession. Yet the real shift toward programming being such a male-dominated profession is even more recent, Girls Who Code founder Reshma Saujani pointed out in a keynote address at Gartner’s ReimagineHR event in London on Wednesday: In 1995, women made up almost 40 percent of the computing workforce in the US, whereas today, they make up less than 25 percent. And at a time when there are roughly 500,000 unfilled positions in computing in the US and as many as 700,000 in the UK, Saujani argued, the issue isn’t a question of gender parity for its own sake: companies need women in tech just as much as women deserve the opportunity to do these jobs.
So why are so few women taking jobs in computing? For one thing, the tech industry has developed a reputation as an unwelcoming work environment for women: Sexism and sexual harassment scandals have emerged at several major tech companies in the past two years, while women in tech say they are often pressured to cut short the leave they take when they start families, even as tech companies continue to offer world-class parental leave policies. To that end, bringing back women who left the workforce to raise children or care for aging relatives is one way companies are looking to close their tech talent gaps.
Yet a more fundamental obstacle, Saujani explained, comes much earlier in women’s lives.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel is arguably the world’s foremost example of women’s empowerment: an accomplished scientist turned national leader and one of the most powerful people (not just women) in the world. Notwithstanding Merkel’s achievements and those of other women leaders in German politics, the country lags behind its European peers in closing the gender pay gap. Germany’s pay gap stands at 21.5 percent, according to EU data: the third largest in Europe and well above the EU average of 16.2 percent.
A new law that went into effect in January is meant to help close that gap by allowing employees to request information about wage disparities from their employers, but as Carolynn Look and Elisabeth Behrmann pointed out in a recent Bloomberg feature, the law puts the onus on employees to ask, whereas other legislative efforts, like the UK’s mandatory pay gap reporting and similar laws being considered in France, compel employers to provide this information up front.
A major component of the challenge for Germany is cultural: The term Frauenberuf (women’s job) is still used to describe occupations like nursing, housekeeping, child care, and social work—jobs that are often low-paying, part-time, and lack clear pathways to career advancement, Look and Behrmann note:
Even in fields dominated by women, such as medical assistants, men can get paid 40 percent more. The lower pay, along with more part-time work for women, mean they earn about 50 percent less over their working lives than male peers, according to a 2017 study by the German Institute for Economic Research in Berlin.
The important conversation that has been taking place over the past six months in the US and around the world about sexual harassment in the workplace has focused mainly on the challenges women face in male-dominated industries where men in power feel free to take advantage of their female employees. Indeed, as the #MeToo campaign has highlighted, women experience sexual harassment and misconduct in the workplace at alarming rates, while many more are treated as inferior to their male colleagues in other, less overt ways.
The victims of sexual harassment are by no means exclusively women, however. Marketplace reports on a new survey it conducted in partnership with Edison Research in which 14 percent of men said they had personally experienced sexual harassment in the workplace. Also, 17 percent of all sexual harassment allegations filed with the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in 2017 were filed by men.
If sexual harassment of men is less often discussed than that of women, that may be because men are less likely to report when they have been sexually harassed. “For men,” Marketplace’s Peter Balonon-Rosen and Kimberly Adams write, “stigma attached to sexual harassment can be a barrier to reporting it”:
“The biggest factor is that men are embarrassed,” said Todd Harrison, a partner at a California law-firm that specializes in employment law and sexual harassment cases. “They have pride that gets in the way, they don’t want to complain about it, especially to their male co-workers.” …
The number of stay-at-home fathers in the US increased in the aftermath of the last recession, as many men were thrown out of work and became unemployed for long periods of time. In recent years, however, more American men are taking on stay-at-home parenting roles because they want to, rather than because they can’t find work, Preeti Varathan reports at Quartz:
Since 1970, the share of stay-at-home dads not looking for work in the US rose from less than 1% to about 4% of all married fathers with a child under 18. It used to be the case that many more stay-at-home dads were actively seeking work, but in the past five years many more fathers are choosing to stay at home with their kids.
To be clear, although their numbers are on the rise, the share of men staying home by choice lags far behind women. While 4% of dads chose to leave the workforce and stay at home in 2016, defined as a dad with a working partner and a child under 18, 28% of mothers did the same. … Although some stay-at-home dads would rather be working, since 2012 a clear majority stay home by choice, and many are energized to be caretakers.
Other recent studies have also found that American men are increasingly interested in playing more active or primary roles in parenting their children, though the burden of child care still falls mostly on women, and men who eschew paid work to raise children are still often stigmatized for doing so.
At Lexology, attorneys Alexa E. Miller and Noreen Cull of Drinker Biddle & Reath LLP discuss a charge filed with the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in June by JPMorgan Chase employee Derek Rotondo, who claims that the bank’s parental leave policy discriminated against him and other working fathers by “relying on a sex-based stereotype that mothers are the primary caretakers of children”:
According to the charge, Mr. Rotondo requested primary caregiver leave prior to the birth of his child to take advantage of J.P. Morgan’s generous parental leave policy which offers “primary caretakers” 16 weeks of paid leave to care for and bond with a new child. “Non-primary caretakers” are afforded 2 weeks of paid leave under the policy. Mr. Rotondo claims that the company’s human resources department explained that mothers are presumed to be the primary caretakers and that he would only be considered the primary caretaker (and receive 16 weeks of paid leave) if he could demonstrate that his wife had either returned to work or was medically incapable of caring for the child. Women, on the other hand, are automatically designated as the primary caretaker without satisfying the same eligibility criteria, according to the charge. Mr. Rotondo was unable to qualify as the primary caretaker because his wife, a teacher, was on summer break and in good health.
Some employers utilize “primary” and “secondary” caregiver labels in parental leave policies to promote gender neutrality. The challenge for such employers, however, is how to define and designate who is the primary caregiver without making gender-based assumptions. This approach can also lead to inconsistent application of benefits for varying family dynamics.
Many US organizations that used to only offer parental leave to birth mothers have expanded them in recent years to enable new fathers to take paid leave as well (as well as to accommodate same-sex couples and those who become parents through adoption and surrogacy), but some of these organizations’ policies still offer disparate benefits for “primary” and “secondary” caregivers. Campbell Soup Company, for example, rolled out a new policy last year that is gender neutral, as is JPMorgan’s, insofar as it does not distinguish between mothers and fathers, but it does grant different amounts of leave to primary and secondary caregivers.